I
am afraid I have been very unwell and ended up in hospital this week, so the
post on flying witches hasn’t been finished. So in the interest of getting a
post up on time (while also getting my prescribed rest) I am instead posting a
small piece of analysis which was originally part of my doctoral thesis. Although
interesting in and of itself, it did not in the end drive home my thesis’ main
argument, and was therefore taken out of my thesis earlier this year. But I
hope you may find this short exploration of The
Strange and wonderful history of Mother Shipton,
by Richard Head,
moderately interesting. Apologies for the change of plans, but the flying
witches will be here next year, in February.
I
have argued throughout this thesis that there is an interaction between elite
debates and popular representations of witchcraft. Though the details of the
Restoration debates on witchcraft are beyond the scope of this thesis, the
sense of their scope and some of their key ideas can be found in popular texts
and trials. One of the most frequently re-published was The Strange and wonderful history of Mother
Shipton, by Richard Head, which was first published in 1677 – the same year
as John Webster’s assault[1] on
Glanvill’s defence of witchcraft beliefs and trials.[2]
Head’s narrative centres on a young
Mother Shipton who had ‘made a Hellish Contract’ with the Devil.[3] The
‘Strange and wonderful history’ Head relates has many features which accord
with the ‘unusual’ demonology of the East Anglia trials, and also illustrates
the confusion and contention over what witches and the Devil could and could
not do.
Head’s The Life and death of Mother Shipton claims that Mother Shipton’s
‘hellish contract’ was a form of marriage, and that following her agreement
theirs was a wedding ceremony between the witch and the Devil. This work
recalled Henry More’s Antidote against
Atheism and its rationalisation of the Devil’s cold body.[4]
This 1653 commentary on the feeling of the Devil when he physically interacted
with witches was also discussed in Head’s The
life and deth of Mother Shipton, where Shipton reports to her midwife that
the Devil was ‘cold as ice’.[5]
Head’s account of Mother Shipton
continues on from their wedding night to discuss how Shipton’s liaison with the
Devil was uncovered when she became pregnant to him. She was ‘discovered by the
great swelling of her Belly, to be with Child’.[6]
Head reports that ‘The people could not tell what to think, or who should be
the Father, concluding that none would be so vile and wicked, as to have
Copulation with a Devil incarnate; neither could they believe a Spirit had
either desire or power, to generate with any humane Creature’.[7]
Although Shipton, in the narrative,
admits her child was begotten ‘by no mortal Wight’, she is not believed. As she
cannot provide bail two ‘Gentlemen as they appeared by their habits’ arrive to
free her, but as soon as their bail is accepted and Mother Shipton is set free,
they vanish.[8]
It is easy to see in this narrative
a reflection of the demonological debates of the era, especially in terms of the
questions people had about whether the Devil did or did not have copulation
with witches, and his ability to take physical form. Head’s
discussion of the contestation of witch beliefs therefore reflected the debate
playing out in demonological and theological works in the late
seventeenth-century.[9]
[1]
John
Webster, The displaying of supposed
witchcraft wherein is affirmed that there are many sorts of deceivers and
impostors and divers persons under a passive delusion of melancholy and fancy,
but that there is a corporeal league made betwixt the Devil and the witch ...
is utterly denied and disproved, (1677).
[2]
See Joseph
Glanvill, A philosophical endeavour
towards the defence of the being of vvitches and apparitions. In a letter to
the much honoured, Robert Hunt, esq; by a member of the Royal Society, (1666)
[later re-pblished in several editions, including as Saducismus triumphatus, or, Full and plain evidence concerning witches
and apparitions in two parts: the first treating of their possibility, the
second of their real existence (1681)].
[3] Note, Mother
Shipton was widely discussed in this period. Not only were there several
publications on her during the Civil War, but she was also a matter of
discussion, according to the diary of Samue Pepys, in the Royal Family and was
of particular import during and after the Great Fire of London. See Samuel
Pepys, Samuel Pepys Diary “Entry for
Saturday 20 October 1666”. See also ‘Mother Shipton’ [Anon], A true coppy of Mother Shiptons last
prophesies as they were taken from one Joane Waller in the year of our Lord
1625 who died in March last, 1641 being ninety foure yeares of age of whom
Mother Shipton had prophesided that she should live to heare of wars within
this kingdome but not to see them, also predicting other wonderfull events that
should befall in the clymate in these times, with two other strange prophesies
threunto annexed, all which were never published before, (1642); [Anon], Fourteene strange prophesies: besides Mother
Shiptons, and Mr. Salmarsh, predicting wonderfull events to betide these yeares
of calamity, in this climate, whereof divers are already come to passe, worthy
of observation, (1648); Head, The
life and death of Mother Shipton.
[4] M2639 Henry
More, An antidote against atheisme, or,
An appeal to the natural faculties of the minde of man, whether there be not a
God, (London: Prnted by Roger Daniel,
1653): p.138
[9] See Jonathan Barry, Witchcraft and Demonology in South-West England, 1640-1789 (2011); and Ian
Bostridge,
Witchcraft and Its Transformations, c.1650-1750, (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1997).
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